TAFSIR DAN LOKAL WISDOM: Perilaku Keagamaan Masyarakat Bugis di Sulawesi Selatan dalam Memahami Tafsir al-Qur’an

Oleh: 

Sulaiman Ibrahim

Dalam penyebaran agama Islam,para ulama di Sulawesi Selatan telah menempuh berbagai cara, di antaranya ada yang giat melakukan dakwah Islamiyah secara langsung di tengah-tengah masyarakat, ada pula selain melakukan dakwah mereka juga membuat karya tulis untuk dijadikan bahan bacaan di kalangan santri-santri dan masyarakat sekitarnya. Berbagai upaya dan cara itulah telah ditempuh oleh ulama pendahulu dalam rangka mengkaji agama Islam dan menggali kandungan ayat-ayat Alquran.

Literatur-literatur tafsir Alquran yang muncul dari tangan para muslim Nusantara, dengan keragaman bahasa dan aksara yang digunakan mencerminkan adanya “hirarki”, baik “hirarki tafsir” itu sendiri di tengah karya-karya tafsir lain, maupun “hirarki pembaca” yang menjadi sasarannya. 

Misalnya penggunaan bahasa Arab, seperti yang ditempuh oleh Imam Nawawi al-Bantani dalam tafsīr Marah{ Labīb, dari segi sasaran –dengan mempertimbangkan bahasa Arab- tafsir ini lebih mudah diakses oleh para peminat kajian Alquran secara Internasional, namun pada sisi yang lain, yakni dalam konteks Indonesia sendiri, karya tafsir itu tentu lebih bersifat elitis. Sebab, seperti yang kita ketahui bahwa tidak semua muslim Indonesia mahir berbahasa Arab. Demikian juga, literatur tafsir yang ditulis dengan bahasa daerah –Jawa atau Bugis misalnya- dan menggunakan huruf Arab pegon, pada satu sisi akan mempermudah bagi komunitas muslim yang kebetulan satu daerah dan menguasai bahasa lokal tersebut. Namun, pada tingkat cakupan keindonesiaan, model inipun juga pada akhirnya tidak bisa menghindardari sifat elitisnya, sebab seakan-akan karya ini hanya ditulis khusus untuk daerah pemakai bahasa tersebut.

Satu hal yang tidak dapat dimungkiri bahwa sentimen orang-orang Bugis di Sulawesi Selatan untuk memelihara bahasa daerahnya berbeda jauh di bawah level sentimen suku lain untuk melestarikan bahasa daerahnya. Tidak diketahui secara pasti apa yang menyebabkan hal tersebut, namun dugaan sementara adalah karena kurangnya literatur berbahasa Bugis yang beredar dalam masyarakat. Dapat dikatakan, tidak banyak –bahkan sangat jarang– orang yang membuat karya tulis dalam bahasa Bugis dewasa ini.

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Wahdat al-Wujud In the View of Syekh Yusuf al-Makassari

A. Introduction
Since the early 17th century, Islam has spread completely in almost all regions of South Sulawesi where were still fragmented in several kingdoms such as Gowa-Tallo, Bone, Luwu, Soppeng, Wajo, Mandar, Sidendreng Rappang, and some small kingdoms.
Islam that was the first time introduced and spread in those regions by three Ulama from Minangkabau was mystical oriented (tasawwuf), besides Fiqh with mazhab oriented. It might be understandable since the general inclination of Islam disseminated in East at that time was colored with tasawwuf teaching after the fall of Bagdad in Mongol’s hand in 1258. Therefore, muslims who studied Islam at that time tended to pay their attentions to tarekat, tasawwuf teaching, and fiqh especially syafi’i school.
Syekh Yusuf (1626-1699) who will be major concern of this paper is one of ulama of Gowa kingdom who was born and grew up in such condition. As the product of his era, it is no surprising if he became expert in fiqh of Syafi’I school, tasawwuf and tarekat. However, his name became more famous as a great sufi and he is highly venerated in South-Sulawesi as the father of Khalwatiah order. Almost all of his adventures in seeking knowledge were spent to learn and deepen mystical order of various schools such as: Qadiriyyah, Ba’lawiyyah, Naksyabandiyah, Syattariyyah, Ahmadiyyah, Suhrawardiyyah, Kabrutiyyah, Maduriyyah, Muhammadiyyah, Madyaniyyah, Kawabiyyah, and Khalwatiyyah. For the last order, his teacher gave him honorific title “Taj al-Khalwati Hidayat Allah.”
In this paper, the writer only attempts to focus on Syekh yusuf’s view of Wahdat al-Wujud which is by no means associated with Ibn ‘Arabi, the father of such concept. It is interesting to study his view on this controversial concept since he was generally assumed by his followers as Sunni Sufi. However, in fact, in some of his works, he seems to partly accept Wahdat al-Wujud for certain extent.
B. Short Biography of Syekh Yusuf al-Makassari
The first written source which reveals the life of Syekh Yusuf Makassar is the traditional book of history belongs to Makassarese-buginese, that is the so-called “Lontara”. There are three Lontara which inform much of his life, namely lontara Tallo, lontara Gowa and lontara Bilangngang. It was the three lontara considered to very reliable in tracing Riwawayana Tuanta Salamaka ri Gowa (the history of our safe master in Gowa, i.e. Syekh Yusuf al-Makassar). Besides, oral tradition which is famous among Buginese-Makassarese people in South Sulawesi could also tell us such history.
According to “Lontara Bilangngang”, the heritage of the twin kingdoms, Gowa-Tallo, Syekh Yusuf was born on 3 July 1626 M coinciding with 8 Syawal 1036 H. The story of his birth was told in oral tradition in Buginese-Makassarese society and it become agreement among them. This fact indicates that his birth was 20 years after Gowa and Tallo kingdoms being Islamized by an Ulama from Minangkabau, namely Abdul Kadir Khatib Tunggal or popularly called Dato’ri Bandang.
As an ordinary human, he was born on the earth through his father and mother. As stated in Lontara Riwaya’na Tuanta Salama ri Gowa, his father is Galarrang Moncongloe, a brother in one mother line of the king of Gowa Imanga’rangi Daeng Manrabia or Popularly known as Sultan Alauddin, the first king who converted to Islam and declared Islam as the formal religion of his kingdom in 1603. His Mother is Aminah binti Damapang Ko’mara, who is descendant of noble family from the Tallo kingdom, the twin kingdom of Gowa.
However, according to hasyiyat fi al-Kitab al-Anba’ fi I’rab la Ilaha illa Allah, one of syekh yusuf’s works stated that his father is Abdullah, so Prof. Hamka decides that his father’s name is Abdullah. Besides, oral tradition inherited by his descendants informs that His father is Abdullah Khaidir. Yet, the latter name still becomes controversy in common people since some regard that he is the prophet Khaidir. Nonetheless, the geneology of his descendants which is inherited by generations can convince us that his father is Gallarang Moncongloe, then Islamized as Abdullah Khaidir.
The life of Syekh Yusuf was popular up to now in four places or countries; they are Makassar (South Sulwesi), Banten (West Java), Ceylon (Sri Langka), and Cape Town (South Africa) since he spent much of his life at those places. In Ceylon and South Africa, he was even regarded as the first who put foundations of the existing Moslem community and as the father of several Moslem communities in south Africa who struggled to realize unity against oppression and ethnical differences.
During his childhood, he spent with learning to read al-Qur’an and was taught how to practice Islam in daily life. After being able to read al-Qur’an and ready to study further, his father sent him to pondok pesantren Bontoala to study Islamic knowledge and linguistic means such as: Nahw, Sharf, Balaghah, Ma’ani and ‘Ilm al-Mantiq. Afterwards, Syekh Yusuf pursued his study in pondok Cikoang under the teaching of Syekh Jalaluddin al-Aidid. Because of his intelligence in following Majlis, he was then suggested by his teachers to continue his study in Jazirah Arabia.
Having adventured in Middle-East for around twenty years to study Islam, he returned to his hometown. Although there is oral story stated that he never go home, this story can not be accepted because we do not get any strong reasons and historical fact for evidence. Yet, it should be noted that after returning to Nusantara, Syekh Yusuf became the great warrior who always precipitated rebellions against the Dutch either when he was in Makassar, Banten, Ceylon, and South Africa. Wherever he was, he often dessiminated Da’wah Islamiyyah and called upon Jihad fi Sabilillah.
Syekh Yusuf was also popular as the prolific writer of tasawwuf works either in Makkassarese, Bugis, Arabic, Javanese, and Arabic. His works written in Arabic to mention some as follow:
1. al-Barakat al-Sailaniyyah
2. Bidayat al-Mubtadi’
3. al-Fawaih al-Yusufiyyah
4. Hashiyah in Kitab al-Anba’
5. Kaifiyyat al-Munghi
6. Matalib al-Salikin
7. al-Nafhat al-sailaniyyah
8. Qurrat al-‘Ain
9. Sirr al-Asrar
10. Sura
11. Taj al-Asrar
12. Zubdat al-Asrar
13. Fath Kaifiyyat al-Dzikr
14. Dafal-Bala’
15. Hazhihi Fawaid ‘Azima Dzikr La Ilaha illa Allah
16. Muqaddimat al-Fawaid allati ma la budda min al-‘Aqaid
17. Tahsil al-Inayah wa al-Hidayah
18. Risalah Ghayat al-Ikhtishar wa Nihayat al-Intizar
19. Tuhfat al-Amr fi Fadilat adz-Dzikr
20. Tuhfat al-Abrar li Ahl al-Asrar
21. al-Munjiyya ‘an Madarrat al-Hijaiba

Syekh Yusuf passed away in 22 Zulqaidah 1109 H coinciding with 23 May 1699 M. in his seclusion, Zandvliet at the age of 73 years old. He was buried in sandy hill of Fasle Bay, not far from his residence. His tomb now was seen as ‘sacred’ and believed as the holy place. His tomb was completed with other buildings, including the tombs of his four students who also struggled for Islam in South Africa.
C. Wahdatul Wujud in the View of Syekh Yusuf al-Makassary
It is widely acknowledged that the founder of wahdat al-wujud is the outstanding sufi, Ibn Arabi, who was born in Murcia, Andalusia in 560 H/1165 M and passed away in Damascus in 683 H/1240 M. Albeit the term “Wahdat al-Wujud” can not be found in his works, he always made statements that lead to such idea.
One of his works, Futuhat al-Makkiyyah, in which he wrote much about his amazing spiritual experiences that marked with many signs indicate that he has reached the level of kasyf when he was still young. Despite his works he wrote are more symbolic, he acquired his knowledge through the process of ‘opening’ (Kasyf).
It is hard to precisely understand Ibnu ‘Arabi’s concept of Wahdatul Wujud, but the main point is that there is no being/existence (wujud) except God; only one wujud, namely God. Anything except God is nothing in itself; it is merely the manifestation of God. Universe has no wujud itself except borrowing wujud comes from God. God (al-Haqq) and alkhalq (universe) are one but different.
In terms of the concept of Wahdat al-Wujud, Syekh Yusuf elaborated it in his message (risalah) Matalib al-Salikin. In introduction, he explains actually that risalah were the notes he wrote during his participation in majlis under his teacher Syekh Abdul Karim Al-Lahure, one of the leaders of Naqsabandiyah order and the famous Ulama in that era. Syekh yusuf notes that one should necessarily learn three things in order to complete his knowledge, namely ma’rifah, tauhid, and ibadah. The aforementioned kinds of knowledge cannot be separated with one another since they are illustrated as a tree, tauhid as the root, ma’rifah as the branch and the leaf, and lastly ibadah as the fruit.
In explaining the meaning of tauhid, he devides it into two parts, tauhid Wahdat al-Wujud and tauhid that can be understood by common Moslems. Syekh Yusuf did not strictly put one or both tauhid under priority, because according to him, the ability of human to understand tauhid is different with one another. Therefore, everyone is able to understand the concept of tauhid in accordance with his ability.
Commenting the concept of Wahdat al-Wujud, he argues that this kind of tauhid is only believed by some sufi. In his view, basically there is no ‘being’ (maujud) in ghaib and syahadah, in form (surah) and meaning (ma’na), in exoteric and esoteric, except in one existence (wujud), one essence and one substance. Syekh Yusuf illustrated this explanation like different parts of human body with its spirit itself. Similarly, as he said, the relation between God and creatures like the relation between human body and its spirit. It means that human spirit does not only exist (istiqrar) in one part of his body, but it covers all parts of his body. Likewise, God does not only exist (istiqrar) in one creature, but He covers all creatures.
In the context of essence unity and the characteristic (sifat) of God, Syekh Yusuf explains that both are one unity that is impossible to be separated. It is more likely the same with the nature of human who has body and spirit, as long as he or she is still alive, there is no separation at all. It seems from the explanation above that the concept of Wahdat al-Wujud according to Syekh Yusuf is not exactly the same with that addressed to Ibnu ‘Arabi since the latter stated: “know that Allah is one in unity, it is impossible if the one hulul to thing, or the thing hulul to Him, or He unites with a thing”.
Ibnu ‘Arabi asserted that it is impossible if the qadim One can become a place for the jadid (new) or take place in jadid. The new existence and qadim existence are interlinked with one another on the bounding of idhafah and law, not the bounding between one existence with the other one, since it is impossible if God can unite with His creature in the one level (martabat).
If one compares between Ibnu ‘Arabi’s statements and Syekh Yusuf’s interpretation on Wahdat al-Wujud, it will be apparent that Ibn ‘Arabi’s concept is more complicated and vulnerable to be misleading. It was Ibnu Arabi entitled as the father of Wahdat al-Wujud in tasawwuf world because he the first composed such concept more completely and this influenced much the latter sufi and scholars. That is why his thought up to now still becomes controversial among Moslem thinkers.
It is more probably that Syekh Yusuf did not directly refer this matter to Ibnu ‘Arabi’s writings especially Futuhat al-Makkiyyah and fushus al-Hikam. He might merely rest on the interpretations of Wahdat al-Wujud which were developed in his era through his teachers. Nevertheless, we can find in his writings focusing on the essence of universe existence that have slight similarities with Ibnu ‘Arabi’s statements in his book Fusus al-Hikam such as: “actually the existence of universe is equal to non-existence, likes the existence of shadow. The existence of shadow is not the reality; in fact it is non-physic in the form (surah) of existence.”
This statement is almost the same with that of Ibn ‘Arabi in Fushus al-Hikam: “know that anything that is called as “except al-Haqq” or the so-called as universe, if it is addressed to al-Haqq (Allah), it might be like the human’s shadow. Universe is the shadow of God, and He is the essence of addressing existence to universe since that shadow exists in reality without any doubt in belief.
It seems to me, from the explanation above, that the influence of Ibnu ‘Arabi on essence of al-wujud is quite dominant in Syekh Yusuf’s philosophy of tasawwuf. While the interpretation of Wahdat al-Wujud referred to Syekh Yusuf was obviously influenced by the thought trend expanded in his era. His interpretation in this case is much closer to idea of negating the existence at all except the existence of God.
Furthermore, in his works, we also can find the influence of Syekh Nuruddin ar-Raniri’s thought concerning the interpretation of Wahdat al-Wujud. It might be due to his acquaintance with him in Aceh before travel to Middle-East for seeking knowledge. The works of ar-Raniri he read improved hid horizon especially his criticism toward those misunderstood the concept of Wahdat al-Wujud.
There are some terms of ar-Raniri which is also used by Syekh Yusuf in explaining the meaning of wujud and Wahdat al-Wujud in his works such as: hakiki, majazy, muqayyad. Mazha, zill and so on. This may indicate that he was impressed by Wahdat al-Wujud delivered by ar-Raniry.
Wahdat al-Wujud expressed by Syekh Yusuf only mentioned once in his risalah Mathalib a-Salikin. Even he makes a new term, namely Wahdah Samadiyyah which means one meaning to express the sense of creature’s togetherness with God in that can not be reached by human understanding except God himself, who knows the essence of such togetherness . However, it may be felt by those who perform ibadah sincerely and continually.
Based on the explanations above, the writer can formulate that Syekh Yusuf in elaborating Wahdat al-Wujud still holds firmly manhaj ahl Ahl Sunnah wa al-Jama’ah. He treats Muhkamat verses on Tauhid as the foundation of aqidah, while Mutasyabihat verses, he understood them without ta’wil and render the essence and the meaning to God. He is very careful in interpreting sufi’s views relating to Wahdat al-Wujud. Therefore, he did not label his tasawwuf teaching as Wahdat al-Wujud even more hulul and ittihad.
Nevertheless, in the context of relation between creature and his God through ibadah, he used the terms ihatah and ma’iyyah derived from al-Qur’an. He formulated both terms in one concept which he called Wahdah Samadiyyah. This concept, as I mentioned before, is the sense of togetherness of God with his creatures, and this can be felt by anyone who devotes himself to God.
D. Conclusion
It is undeniable that Syekh yusuf al-Makassari is the great ulama in 17th century who got involved in coloring the Islamic thoughts in Indonesia, notably tasawwuf and lots of his works he produced during his life. On the basis of the elucidations above, we can draw a conclusion that he is typical ulama that is very careful in interpreting sufi’s view in relation to Wahdat al-Wujud. Although he was influenced by Ibnu ‘Araby’s concept, he did not become the extreme follower of Ibnu ‘Arabi since he did not label it as Wahdat al-Wujud. Instead, he uses his own terms ihatah and ma’iyyah for the context of relation between God and Human. Both terms were formulated into one concept, namely Wahdat as-Samadiyyah. This concept does not concern on unity between God and Human in essence and substance (zat), but the sense of togetherness with God.


Bibliography

Abu Hamid, Syekh Yusuf Tajul Khalwati:Satu Kajian Antropologi, Tesis Doktor Falsafah, Universitas Hasanuddin Makassar, 1990
Azra, Azyumardi, Jaringan Ulama Timur Tengah an Kepulauan Nusantara Abad 17 dan 18: Melacak akar-Akar Pemikiran Islam di Indonesia, Bandung ; Mizan, 1994
Chittick, William C., Imajinal World, Ibn.al-Arabi and The Problem of Religious Diversity. Indonesian translation. Surabaya; Risalah Gusti, 2001
Galigo, Syamsul Bahri Andi, Syekh Yusuf Makassar dan Pemikiran Tasawufnya, Tesis Doktor Falsafah, Universitas Kebangsaan, 1998
Hamka, Sejarah Umat Islam, Cet. II, Jakarta : Bulan Bintang,1976
Ibnu Arabi, Muhyiddin, al-Futuhat al-Makkiyah, Tahqiq Ibarahim Madkur, Vol. III, Al Qahirah; Dar al-Ma’rifah, 1987
---------------, Fusus al-Hikam, Beirut; Dar al-Kitab al-Arabi, 1946
Ismail, Taufik, Syekh Yusuf: seorang Ulama Sufi dan Pejuang, Jakarta ; Percetakan Obor, 1994
Kautsar Azhari Noer, Ibn Al-‘Arabi: Wahdat al-Wujud dalam Perdebatan, Jakarta: Paramadina, 1995.
Mattulada, Islam in Sulawesi Selatan in Agama dan perubahan Sosial, Jakarta: Rajawali Press, 1996,
Taufik Abdullah, Islam dan Masyarakat: Pantulan sejarah Indonesia, Jakarta; LP3ES, 1987.
Tudjimah, Syekh Yusuf Makassar; Riwayat dan Ajarannya, Jakarta: UI-Press, 1997.





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The Abstrac

Semakin membumi tafsir itu, semakin mudah dipahami maksud dan tujuan ajarannya. Tafsir yang sesuai dengan bahasa masyarakat akan memudahkan masyarakat memahami Alquran, dan semakin dekat pula dalam pengamalannya.

 Ini dibuktikan Daud Ismail dengan berhasil menampilkan tafsir yang susunan dan gaya bahasanya lebih mudah diterima dan dipahami oleh masyarakat Bugis setempat. Karena kitab-kitab tafsir yang ada selama ini dinilai terlalu banyak menggunakan bahasa Arab dan istilah yang terasa sulit dicerna dan dipahami oleh kebanyakan masyarakat setempat yang bukan bahasa mereka, apalagi telah dibumbuhi dengan istilah-istilah tertentu, seperti ilmu balaghah, nahwu, dan s}arf, yang semuanya justru kadang membingungkan para pembacanya.

Hal ini memperkuat pendapat Muh}ammad al-Fād}il ibn ‘Āshūr dalam al-Tafsīr wa Rijāluhu, bahwa penjelasan atau tafsir Alquran sebaiknya mengikuti menggunakan bahasa yang dipahami oleh masyarakat itu. Sebagaimana yang dijelaskan dalam ayat وماأرسلناك من رسول إلا بلسان قومهم ليبين لهم .

Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif termasuk penelitian kepustakaan (library research) dengan menggunakan pendekatan tafsir. Sumber utama penelitian ini adalah kitab Tafsīr al-Munīr karya Daud Ismail. Untuk mendapatkan aspek metodologinya digunakan beberapa kitab ‘ulūm al-Qur’ān dan kitab-kitab tafsir klasik maupun modern. Data-data yang dibaca dengan standar ilmu tafsir yang meliputi metode dan kandungan tafsir. Pemahaman kandungan tafsir melalui teori discourse analysis (analisis wacana), dan untuk menganalisis data yang ada dibantu dengan pendekatan tafsir.

 




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TUHFAT SARANDIB TADHKIRAT LI AL-MUHIB Dialektika Teks dan Realitas: Pengaruh Ideologi al-Raniri di Tanah Saylan

Tulisan ini ingin membuktikan adanya pengaruh pemikiran Nuruddin al-Raniri di negeri Sarandib/Saylan (Srilanka) yang notabene masyarakatnya mayoritas beragama Budha (69% suku Singala dan Tamil 18%). Hal ini dibuktikan adanya tulisan al-Raniri yang berbahasa/aksara Jawi dianggap penting bahkan diterjemahkan ke dalam bahasa Arab di negeri tersebut.

Hal ini dibuktikan adanya hubungan antara Timur Tengah dan Nusantara sejak kebangkitan Islam sampai paruh kedua abad ke-17 yang menempuh beberapa fase; fase pertama, abad ke-8 sampai abad-12, hubungan umumnya berkenaan dengan perdagangan. Inisiatif hubungan ini banyak diprakarsai muslim Timur Tengah, khususnya Arab dan Persia. Fase kedua, sampai abad ke-15 hubungan antara dua kawasan mulai ekspansi aspek lebih luas, perdagangan dan pengembara sufi, mulai mengintensifikasikan penyebaran Islam di berbagai wilayah Nusantara. Pada tahap ini hubungan keagamaan dan kultural terjalin lebih erat. Fase ketiga, sejak abad ke-16 sampai paruh kedua abad ke-17. Dalam masa ini hubungan-hubungan yang terjalin lebih bersifat politik di samping keagamaan. Pada periode ini, muslim nusantara semakin banyak ke tanah suci, yang pada gilirannya mendorong terciptanya jalinan keilmuan antara Timur Tengah dan Nusantara. (Azyumardi Azra, 2007, 49-50).

Sejak saat itu dimulailah hijrah Arab Hadramaut ke Gujarat di pesisir pantai India Barat. Di sana mereka membangun perkampungan yang oleh orang India dinamakan perkampungan Arab Melayu, dan ada diantaranya yang melanjutkan perjalanannya ke Indonesia dan menetap di daerah pantai Sumatera. Hubungan Arab dengan India melalui jalan laut dimulai sejak awal tahun masehi, atau lebih tepatnya sebelum runtuhnya Himyar di Yaman. Hubungan ini merupakan hubungan pertama bangsa Arab dengan Timur Jauh pada umumnya dan dengan Indonesia pada khususnya, karena para pedagang Arab itu menggunakan India sebagai terminal pertama yang menyampaikan mereka ke Sarandib, kemudian dari sana mereka melanjutkan perjalanannya ke Indonesia.

Nuruddin al-Raniri mempunyai pandangan sama dengan tokoh-tokoh sebelumnya, bahwa Tuhan dan alam raya adalah dua entitas yang berbeda, masing-masing mempunyai hakekat yang berlainan. Al-Raniri menerima pandangan Ibn Arabi bahwa alam raya merupakan ungkapan luar (al-a’ya>n al-kha>rijiyyah) dari Tuhan. Karena itu, ungkapan luar Tuhan bukanlah Tuhan sendiri, ia semata-mata bayangan wujud Tuhan. (Ms. 2-3).

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Memahami Islam Nusantara melalui Manuskrip dan Kitab

Oleh. Dr. Oman Fathurahman[*]

“…It is works such as these that the Muslim elite wrote for themselves and each other. It is from a study of such works in their regional settings that a clearer and perhaps more worthy understanding of Islam in Southeast Asia may be won…” (Johns 1976: 55).

Mempertimbangkan perkembangan kajian-kajian Islam Nusantara, hingga kini ada bidang kajian yang sesungguhnya potensial dan menarik tetapi belum mendapat perhatian serius dari kalangan akademisi kajian Islam (Islamic studies). Bidang tersebut adalah kajian Islam yang berbasiskan pada manuskrip-manuskrip Islam Nusantara.

Yang dimaksud dengan manuskrip di sini adalah semua rekaman informasi yang ditulis tangan oleh seseorang tiga sampai empat ratus tahun yang lalu. Pengertian ‘manuskrip’ dalam konteks ini merupakan lawan kata dokumen yang diproduksi melalui mesin cetak atau alat sejenis.

Berdasarkan penelitian awal atas sejumlah koleksi, manuskrip Islam Nusantara memang dijumpai dalam jumlah besar, dan ditulis dalam berbagai bahasa lokal seperti Melayu, Jawa, Sunda, Wolio, dan lainnya, selain tentu saja manuskrip berbahasa Arab.

Umumnya, secara fisik manuskrip-manuskrip tersebut kini dalam kondisi memprihatinkan dan sangat rentan mengalami kemusnahan, baik karena faktor alam maupun akibat kecerobohan manusia.

Kajian terhadap manuskrip-manuskrip Islam Nusantara mempunyai beberapa keuntungan strategis sekaligus:

Pertama, dapat menggali kekhasan serta dinamika Islam dan masyarakat Muslim lokal, karena manuskrip Islam Nusantara, selain menggunakan bahasa Arab, ditulis dalam berbagai bahasa lokal seperti Aceh, Bali, Batak, Belanda, Bugis-Makasar-Mandar, Jawa & Jawa Kuna, Madura, Melayu, Minangkabau, Sanskerta, Sasak, Sunda dan Sunda Kuna, Ternate, Wolio, Bahasa-bahasa Indonesia Timur, Bahasa-bahasa Kalimantan, dan Bahasa-bahasa Sumatra Selatan, sehingga mengkajinya berarti akan menjadi semacam ‘jalan pintas’ untuk mengetahui pola-pola hasil interaksi dan pertemuan Islam dengan budaya-budaya lokal di Nusantara, yang tentunya menjadi kekayaan intelektual tersendiri.

Kedua, kajian atas manuskrip-manuskrip Islam Nusantara dengan sendirinya akan menjadi bagian dari upaya pelestarian (preservation) benda cagar budaya Indonesia demi menjaga identitas kemajemukan, kebangsaan, dan menjamin keberlangsungan transmisi pengetahuan yang telah diwariskan sejak ratusan tahun lalu.

Ketiga, keberhasilan memetakan kejayaan tradisi intelektual Islam Nusantara pada gilirannya dapat menunjukkan kepada dunia internasional bahwa Nusantara bukanlah wilayah pinggiran (peripheral part), melainkan bagian tak terpisahkan (integral part), dari dunia Islam secara keseluruhan.

Sejarah Kebudayaan Indonesia selama berabad-abad telah mewariskan khazanah tertulis berupa manuskrip-manuskrip Nusantara yang jumlahnya sangat berlimpah. Merujuk pada Undang-undang Cagar Budaya No. 11 Tahun 2010, sebuah manuskrip tulisan tangan dapat dikategorikan sebagai benda cagar budaya bila telah berusia minimal 50 (lima puluh) tahun, serta memiliki arti khusus bagi sejarah, ilmu pengetahuan, pendidikan, agama, dan/atau kebudayaan.

Kandungan isi manuskrip Nusantara sendiri memang sangat luas dan tidak terbatas pada kesusastraan saja, tetapi mencakup berbagai bidang lain seperti agama, sejarah, hukum, politik kesultanan, resolusi konflik, adat istiadat, obat-obatan, teknik, dan lain-lain, sehingga akan sangat relevan sebagai bahan pengetahuan umum dalam dunia pendidikan di Indonesia.

Sejumlah upaya inventarisasi dan katalogisasi berkaitan dengan dunia pernaskahan Nusantara yang dilakukan belakangan ini menunjukkan bahwa kategori manuskrip keagamaan Islam (Islamic manusripts) terdapat dalam jumlah besar, dan dijumpai dalam berbagai bidang keilmuan Islam, seperti tafsir, hadis, tauhid, fikih, tasawuf, kalam, dan lain-lain.

Terbukti pula bahwa jaringan lembaga pendidikan Islam tradisional, seperti surau di Minangkabau, dayah di Aceh, dan pesantren di Jawa, ternyata juga menyimpan khasanah manuskrip keagamaan Islam tersebut dalam berbagai bahasa, seperti Arab, Melayu, Jawa, Sunda, dan bahasa-bahasa lokal Indonesia lainnya.

Dalam konteks masyarakat akademik internasional, manuskrip Islam telah mendapatkan perhatian besar, baik untuk bidang pelestariannya sebagai benda cagar budaya, maupun sebagai sumber primer penelitian dan kajian. The Islamic Manuscript Association (TIMA) yang bermarkas di Cambridge University, UK, misalnya, merupakan salah satu asosiasi akademik terkemuka yang mendapatkan dukungan finansial penuh dari the Prince Alwaleed Bin Talal Centre of Islamic Studies untuk menyelenggarakan berbagai aktifitas akademik, seperti konferensi internasional, scholarship, grant, penelitian, penerbitan, dan berbagai aktifitas lainnya.

Sayangnya, cakupan aktifitas TIMA tampaknya belum menjangkau khazanah manuskrip Islam Nusantara, yang sesungguhnya diakibatkan oleh kurangnya informasi dan publikasi internasional berkaitan dengan kekayaan warisan peradaban Islam Nusantara tersebut. Ada beberapa kemungkinan mengapa informasi tentang kekayaan khasanah manuskrip Islam Nusantara ini belum banyak diketahui:

Pertama, kurangnya penelitian-penelitian yang mendalam tentang kekayaan khazanah manuskrip Islam Nusantara oleh sarjana-sarjana Indonesia sendiri yang sesungguhnya memiliki pengetahuan memadai, baik berkaitan dengan bahasa lokal yang digunakan maupun substansi keilmuan di dalamnya;

Kedua, mungkin saja sudah ada sejumlah kajian yang telah dilakukan, namun hasil kajian tersebut tidak dipublikasikan dan kemudian dikomunikasikan menggunakan bahasa dunia akademik internasional;

Ketiga, belum adanya sebuah pusat kajian Islam yang memberikan perhatian pada kajian manuskrip Islam Nusantara secara komprehensif, dikelola secara profesional, serta melakukan kajian terus menerus, dan akhirnya dapat dijadikan sebagai rujukan para sarjana dalam mengkaji manuskrip Islam Nusantara;

Keempat, masih minimnya dukungan finansial untuk upaya-upaya pelestarian khasanah manuskrip Islam Nusantara semacam ini, sehingga minat masyarakat akademik untuk menekuninya pun sangat rendah dan mengalami kendala.

Dalam hal ini, banyak sarjana Muslim Nusantara yang sesungguhnya memiliki potensi untuk masuk dalam kajian Islam Nusantara yang berbasiskan pada manuskrip tersebut, setidaknya karena dua alasan:

Pertama, para sarjana Muslim Nusantara merupakan sumber daya manusia (human resources) yang memiliki potensi besar dalam memadukan kajian bidang-bidang keislaman dengan bidang umum termasuk Budaya dan Humaniora. Potensi tersebut ditunjang oleh kenyataan bahwa sebagian mereka berasal dari sebuah komunitas yang memiliki akar keilmuan Islam di pesantren-pesantren dan madrasah, sehingga sangat menguasai topik-topik yang dibahas dalam literatur Islam klasik, termasuk dalam manuskrip-manuskrip Islam Nusantara.

Kedua, banyak sarjana Muslim Nusantara memiliki kemampuan bahasa yang banyak digunakan dalam manuskrip, yakni bahasa Arab. Apalagi berbagai manuskrip dalam bahasa daerah pun umumnya ditulis dengan aksara Arab (Jawi dan Pegon), sehingga penguasaan atas aksara dan bahasa tersebut menjadi sangat penting. Sejauh ini, minimnya penguasaan para filolog —yang umumnya berlatar belakang pendidikan umum— terhadap bahasa Arab seringkali menjadi faktor penghambat dilakukannya penelitian atas manuskrip-manuskrip Islam tersebut, sehingga tidak mengherankan jika puluhan ribu manuskrip Nusantara berbahasa Arab lebih banyak “ditelantarkan”.

Karenanya, melalui refleksi ini, sangat besar harapan bahwa di masa mendatang, berbagai hasil inventarisasi yang terbukti berhasil menunjukkan peradaban tinggi Islam Nusantara, dapat memicu dilakukannya berbagai kajian Islam Nusantara melalui manuskrip dan kitab yang pernah ditulis oleh para pengarang masa lalu, sehingga para sarjana pribumi dapat mengembangkan sendiri kesarjanaan berstandar internasional di bidang kajian manuskrip Islam Nusantara tersebut. Semoga!

Sumber

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[*] Peneliti Pusat Pengkajian Islam dan Masyarakat (PPIM) UIN Jakarta dan Ketua Umum Masyarakat Pernaskahan Nusantara (Manassa). Tulisan ini disampaikan dalam saresehan “Penguatan Kajian Islam Nusantara” di Lakpesdam PCINU, Kairo, Mesir, Kamis 21 Juli 2011